Pakistan Terrorists Set Up Base in Bangladesh

Pakistan-backed jihadi and radical Islamist groups are consolidating their presence in Bangladesh, particularly in the southeastern belt, raising significant security concerns for India.

Reports indicate Lashkar-e-Taiba and its proxies have established camps in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, with former Pakistani military personnel allegedly running operations under Jamaat-ud-Dawa's humanitarian arm.

The situation in Cox's Bazar is volatile due to vulnerable displaced Myanmar nationals, criminal networks, militant recruitment, and arms trafficking, further exacerbated by the re-emergence of militant activities.

 

The footprints of Pakistan-backed jihadi and radical Islamist groups are consolidating in Bangladesh.

The country's southeastern belt -- particularly the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Chattogram, and areas surrounding Cox's Bazar -- has emerged as a primary security concern for India, leading some experts to argue that Bangladesh is replacing Pakistan as a safe haven for these networks.

According to former Indian high commissioner to Bangladesh Veena Sikri, safeguards that once constrained Islamist and militant networks were progressively dismantled during the Muhammad Yunus-led interim administration and its aftermath.

Consequently, groups previously pushed to the margins have gained new room to operate. 

A prominent example is Mufti Jasimuddin Rahmani, a radical cleric previously jailed for inciting extremism and identified by the US-based Counter Extremism Project as a follower of banned al-Qaeda ideologue Anwar al-Awlaki.

Released during the 2024 uprising, Rahmani resurfaced at a rally in May 2025 (external link), calling for the dissolution and formal ban of Sheikh Hasina's Awami League, warning, 'If you don't ban the Awami League, the people will take over and do it themselves.'

Under mounting pressure, the interim administration surrendered and banned the Awami League on May 10.

Disturbing reports also indicate that Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and its proxy networks have established camps in the CHT.

Sources claim that at least two operational camps in Alikadam are being run by former Pakistani military personnel under Jamaat-ud-Dawa, operating under the cover of its humanitarian arm, the Falah-e-Insaniyat Foundation.

The geographical stakes are high: the CHT directly borders Tripura and Mizoram, while Chattogram controls access to the Bay of Bengal.

Furthermore, Bangladeshi intelligence reportedly identified six militants who entered the country via Nepal, West Bengal, and northern Bangladesh.

Photographs shared with India's external intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW) matched four of the individuals to past militant operations in Kashmir.

Coupled with weapons movement and revived Pakistan-Bangladesh military and intelligence contacts, these developments point to a serious regional escalation.

The situation in Cox's Bazar is equally volatile. The combination of vulnerable displaced Myanmar nationals, transnational criminal networks, militant recruitment, and arms trafficking makes the area particularly susceptible to destabilisation.

Re-emergence of militant activities has also raised concerns among commoners raising debate over the intention behind extremist groups resurfacing, regrouping following strategic dormancy.

The issue intensified after a warrant officer of the Bangladesh air force, earlier reported missing from a base in CHT, was located in a camp run by the Pakistan-based Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).

This alarming development pushed the authorities to initiate an internal investigation into the extremist infiltration in the armed forces (external link).

In 2024, the Pakistan navy warship PNS Saifdocked at Chittagong port, the first such visit since 1971.

The visit coincided with Pakistan navy chief Admiral Naveed Ashraf's trip to Bangladesh.

This August following a raid, police found several bombs and bomb making equipment in Savar near Dhaka.

Those arrested and charged under the anti-terrorism act have been identified as members of the neo-Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh (neo-JMB).

India is deeply concerned.

On October 7, India's High Commissioner to Bangladesh Dinesh Trivedi met Chief of Army Staff General Dhiraj Seth.

The ADG PI-Indian Army posted on X, 'The interaction focussed on issues of India-Bangladesh bilateral cooperation and measures for strengthening Defence ties.'

Although nothing more was revealed by the Indian Army, surely the situation on the ground in Bangladesh must have come up for discussion.

Security Vacuum India Cannot Afford

Ambassador Sikri argues that the framework of safeguards built between 1972 and 2024 was significantly diluted under Yunus, specifically through modified policies governing cargo, visas, and trade with Pakistan.

This shift enabled Islamabad to rebuild influence, reviving elements of the pre-1971 geopolitical dynamic between East and West Pakistan.

Ambassador Sikri sees a direct connection between the resurgence of radical groups and Pakistan's renewed engagement with Bangladesh.

She argues that Islamabad has sought to reverse aspects of the post-1971 geopolitical order since Hasina's departure.

Her historical argument is significant. Before 1971, East Pakistan's political and economic grievances against West Pakistan were central to the emergence of Bangladesh.

Islamabad's attempt to regain influence in Dhaka therefore carries historical as well as geopolitical liability.

Former deputy national security adviser Pankaj Saran emphasises that New Delhi's primary concern is not routine commercial or diplomatic engagement between Dhaka and Islamabad, but whether that relationship evolves into structured security cooperation targeted against Indian interests.

He believes this deserves sustained Indian attention. Ambassador Saran was India's high commissioner to Bangladesh from 2012 to 2015.

Under Sheikh Hasina, Dhaka actively cooperated with India to neutralise northeastern insurgent sanctuaries.

In contrast, previous Bangladesh Nationalist Party regimes allowed those networks to flourish.

The fear in New Delhi is that this strategic equation is reversing, particularly given recent reciprocal visits by military and intelligence delegations involving Pakistan's ISI and Bangladesh's Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI).

This is exacerbated by a broader breakdown in law and order since 2024, during which police stations were looted, arms were stolen, and thousands of prisoners were released -- creating a permissive environment for militant networks.

Dinesh Trivedi with Humayun Kabir

Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak (retd) argues that India faces a failure of strategic anticipation.

"The fault lies with us," AVM Kak states, arguing that New Delhi must better integrate intelligence inputs into long-term policy recalibration, much like China does.

However, AVM Kak notes a strategic opening: "The linkages between Jamaat-e-Islami and the BNP are coming under strain. That gives us an opportunity. If these forces coalesce, we face a serious problem."

He adds that unchecked instability could spill over geographically into India's western and northern regions, further compounded by China's growing footprint.

The meeting between External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Tarique Rahman at Khalida Zia's funeral signals that New Delhi recognises the need for pragmatic diplomatic engagement.

India must balance its historical ties with the Awami League against the realities of working with Rahman's government and its domestic constraints.

Revenge Politics And Democratic Legitimacy

Former high commissioner Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty warns against the immediate trajectory, characterising recent capital sentences imposed on the Awami League leaders as a continuation of 'revenge politics' initiated under the Yunus regime.

He notes that non-transparent tribunal proceedings risk compromising the judiciary, creating a cycle of political retribution that undermines long-term stability.

He questions the fairness and transparency of the proceedings and argues that the judiciary risks being perceived as politically compromised.

"It smacks of kangaroo justice since there was no scope for defending the accused," Ambassador Chakravarty says.

"The tribunal has not made public the proceedings giving traction to the view that the judiciary has been compromised and weaponised for revenge. This process began by the Yunus regime and continues under the current government."

Ambassador Saran cautions against Bangladesh sliding back into the hostile security environments of previous military and BNP-led eras (2001 to 2006).

India's policy must distinguish between normal bilateral diplomacy and hostile security alignments.

Ultimately, New Delhi does not need to choose between engagement and deterrence -- it requires both.

Dinesh Trivedi with Tarique Rahman

IMAGE: Dinesh Trivedi meets Tarique Rahman in Dhaka. Photographs: Bangladesh PM office/ANI Photo

The Battle For Bangladesh's Women

The most visible social consequence of Bangladesh's radicalisation is being felt by its women.

As the backbone of the country's multi-billion-dollar garment sector, millions of women have become primary wage earners, fundamentally transforming Bangladesh's social and economic structure.

However, widespread reports of women facing harassment and intimidation over their attire or public mobility point to a competing ideology -- one that views female autonomy as a direct threat.

This pushback is far from cosmetic; it strikes at the core of Bangladesh's economic engine.

Restricting women's workforce participation dismantles one of the pillars of the nation's modernisation.

Ambassador Sikri notes that radical groups, including Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), systematically targeted women during the 18-month Yunus administration -- a trend that continues under Prime Minister Tarique Rahman.

"This is particularly regrettable," Ambassador Sikri observes, "since the women's vote was a strong factor in Tarique Rahman's victory."

The strategy behind Pakistan-backed radical Islamist groups targeting is deliberate: Controlling women is a leverage point to exert influence over the family unit, and ultimately, reshape broader society.

This systematic erosion of women's rights should alarm Dhaka's political establishment as gravely as it does New Delhi.